Politics

Reparations Are a Financial Quandary. For Democrats, They’re a Political One, Too.

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What should Americans pay for the legacy of slavery and a century of Jim Crow segregation?

For decades, the question was mostly academic. Then it was seized on by Democrats and activists during a time of racial re-examination after the murder of George Floyd in 2020, and a number of cities and states set up commissions to study reparations to Black Americans.

Now, as those commissions announce their recommendations, the political climate is far different from just three years ago. A widespread “anti-woke” movement on the right has targeted programs aimed at social and racial justice, and the hard-cash figures being proposed as reparations are causing sticker shock. A California task force recently recommended more than $500 billion in reparations to Black residents. San Francisco is considering compensation of $100 billion. And Representative Cori Bush of Missouri said $14 trillion was the true national cost.

Republicans have seized on the figures to argue that the left’s pursuit of social justice has run amok. But for Democrats, the re-emergence of the long-dormant issue poses a deeper set of problems on the horizon.

Democratic officials had for years nodded approvingly at the idea of reparations as a far-off ideal to close the racial wealth gap, a position that appealed to many Black voters, who are the party’s most loyal constituency. But the headline-grabbing recommendations by lawmakers and local and state task forces are forcing Democratic leaders to wrestle with financial and political implications sooner than many would have liked.

“As long as people are talking about this, it’s a positive for Democrats,” said David Townsend, a Sacramento-based consultant to many of the moderate Democrats in the California Legislature. “The problems don’t start until you have to start writing the checks.”

The Rev. Al Sharpton was among those who helped put the issue of reparations on the Democratic political agenda during the party’s 2020 primary.

In an interview, Mr. Sharpton said that even if there were never a payout in hard cash, putting a price tag on injustice was a worthy exercise that forced an examination of history as Republicans broadly deny that past racism has left an unequal playing field today. If provocative dollar amounts caused Americans to consider the scope of the country’s moral obligation to Black people, he suggested, that might lead to a more productive conversation about other ways to meet that debt.

“I think once we get the mainstream America to say — whether they said reluctantly, belatedly or whatever — ‘Yes, we owe,’ then you can have a better discussion on how we pay,” Mr. Sharpton said. “I don’t think that we have successfully had mainstream America have to come to the question of ‘Do we owe?’”

Critics of reparations argue that America already compensated for historic injustice by passing landmark civil rights and voting rights laws in the 1960s and by establishing a social safety net, including welfare programs and affirmative action in college admissions and in hiring, to lift people out of poverty. They say it is morally wrong to force Americans whose ancestors had no role in slavery or Jim Crow to atone for the past, and have raised the possibility of filing legal challenges. The Supreme Court is expected to ban race-conscious college admissions in a decision this spring.

The legal argument from conservative critics of reparations is that government payments based on race violate the equal protection clause of the Constitution. In California, the task force decided eligibility should be tied not just to race but to direct lineage, determining that any descendant of enslaved African Americans or of a “free Black person living in the United States prior to the end of the 19th century” should receive reparations. Some legal scholars have said that using direct lineage has a better chance of withstanding court challenges.

In a parallel to Democrats’ efforts on reparations, Republican-led state governments have pushed to outlaw the influence of critical race theory in schools, public agencies and private companies. Critical race theory is the concept that racism is baked into American institutions and underpins the argument for reparations.

In such a political and economic climate, Black adults are highly skeptical that compensation for slavery and segregation will happen. About six in 10 Black adults who support reparations in the Pew Research Center poll said repayment was not at all likely in their lifetime.

That may explain why Black voters have not yet shown the same frustration with a lack of progress on reparations as they have on other issues, such as voting rights, student-debt forgiveness and police reforms.

“Reparations is not a top-tier issue of concern for African Americans broadly across the country and particularly across any of the battleground states,” said Cornell Belcher, a Democratic pollster and strategist.

Representative Jamaal Bowman of New York, a hard-left Democrat who supports the $14 trillion in reparations proposed by Ms. Bush, the Missouri congresswoman, said the reason Black voters do not rank the issue more highly is simple.

“People have lost hope,” Mr. Bowman said.

He argued that the trillions paid would be an investment that lifts the country’s economy across all demographics. “We haven’t done enough to engage or explain how it would work,” he said. “This is a collective issue of justice for all people.”

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